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COLOMBIAN PEACE ELUSIVE, DESPITE INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT On June 22, the US Congress approved an aid package destined, according to the Clinton administration, "to combat drug trafficking and strengthen democracy in Colombia." Some analysts see the aid as an important step toward addressing the unique characteristics of the Colombian conflict, which involves complicated relationships among guerrillas, drug traffickers and paramilitaries. Although the main focus of the assistance will be strengthening Colombia's armed forces, including the National Police, close to $280 million has been set aside for social programs, agricultural projects, protection for victims of the fighting and judicial reform in the zones of fighting. Some US, Colombian and European NGOs have objected to the military component of the aid package, arguing that it will affect the negotiations with the guerrillas, displace more people from their homes and cause irreparable damage to the environment. These groups call instead for social programs for the thousands of peasants whose survival has been threatened by the war. Others counter that the Colombian state must improve its military capabilities given the guerrillas' insistence on "negotiating in the midst of conflict." They note that in addition to the fighting, other threats to security such as escalating crime, social chaos and drug trafficking require an improved national defense system. The Colombian conflict was also on the agenda of the Rio Group summit earlier this month. The 15 heads of state who attended spoke in favor of the peace process, calling for reconciliation and praising "the efforts of the Colombian president to achieve a firm and lasting peace." They expressed confidence that "the efforts underway will reduce the level of violence and lead Colombia down the path to a lasting peace." In statements to the press, the presidents of Peru and Venezuela accompanied declarations of support for the peace process with concern about the potential of the armed conflict to spread to their own countries. "Colombia itself is not a threat to Peru; it is a sister country with which we have close ties," said Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori. "The threat is the risk of infiltration across the border." More international debate on the Colombian situation is planned for June 29 in Villa Nueva, Colombia, where representatives of 21 countries will gather to discuss the problem of illicit crops and the environment. Those planning to attend include ambassadors and other emissaries from Austria, Germany, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, Denmark, Finland, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the Vatican and Venezuela. Advisors from the United Nations, European Parliament and European Union are also expected to participate. All of these events and declarations come at a difficult political moment for Colombia. President Andrés Pastrana is nearing the middle of his term, but despite his efforts to work for peace he has lost a great deal of popular support. Colombians are tired of the long process of dialogue with the guerrillas and the constant attacks on the civilian population. Kidnappings and extortion are a complex and devastating problem; the guerrillas may not have a real chance of winning the conflict, but their ability to destabilize is undeniable. What will happen in the zones of fighting over the next months? Who can control the events that unfold and make sure they fulfill Colombians' hopes for peace? There are no immediate or easy solutions. The current situation has unfolded
over many years, and any effort to overcome it will also take time. Simplistic
analyses are not adequate to describe a peace process that has had both
successes and failures, moments of sincerity and fraud. International aid and
support are vital to furthering the process and clarifying its many
contradictions.
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